Dark arts: the Carlyle Club is resurrecting the great Lothrop Stoddard to deliver a warning from the past. Spooky!
- Meet Stoddard
- White World-Supremacy?
- A Rising Tide of Color?
- Colonialism in Reverse
- Rising Sun
- The White Civil War
- Recommended Reading
- Stoddard Resurrected
What would you say, gentle reader, if I told you that just after the First World War, a Harvard historian published a book in which he predicted
- that Japan would rise as a major power,
- that the United States would go to war with Japan in the Pacific,
- that the Treaty of Versailles would lead to a second massive war in Europe,
- that Africa and Asia would overthrow European colonial rule (Radish 2.2),
- that colonization would actually reverse with mass migrations from the Third World to the West (Radish 1.5), and
- that Wahhabism (so-called ‘radical Islam’) would emerge as a threat to the West;
but that today this man and his work — for which I do not think ‘prophetic’ is too strong a word at all — have been almost entirely forgotten, except that a few academics (or what passes for academics these days) still bring him up from time to time to remind us how wrong and evil he must have been?
Well, perhaps when I tell you that the name of book was The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy (1920), you will be able to hazard a guess as to why Lothrop Stoddard isn’t a household name.
You see, there is a reason. (There’s always a reason.) It is not necessarily a good one.
We’ll just have to see for ourselves: this week, Radish is exploring Stoddard’s prophetic and fearsomely titled Rising Tide of Color. You can read it online or download it, free of charge, at Project Gutenberg and the Open Library.
Above: ‘Categories of White World-Supremacy’ from Lothrop Stoddard’s ‘Rising Tide of Color.’
In 1920, when Stoddard published The Rising Tide of Color, white world-supremacy, politically speaking, was a simple fact. From Chapter 1, ‘The World of Color’:
The man who, on a quiet spring evening of the year 1914, opened his atlas to a political map of the world and pored over its many-tinted patterns probably got one fundamental impression: the overwhelming preponderance of the white race in the ordering of the world’s affairs. Judged by accepted canons of statecraft, the white man towered the indisputable master of the planet. Forth from Europe’s teeming mother-hive the imperious Sons of Japhet had swarmed for centuries to plant their laws, their customs, and their battle-flags at the uttermost ends of the earth. Two whole continents, North America and Australia, had been made virtually as white in blood as the European motherland; two other continents, South America and Africa, had been extensively colonized by white stocks; while even huge Asia had seen its empty northern march, Siberia, pre-empted for the white man’s abode. Even where white populations had not locked themselves to the soil few regions of the earth had escaped the white man’s imperial sway, and vast areas inhabited by uncounted myriads of dusky folk obeyed the white man’s will.
Beside the enormous area of white settlement or control, the regions under non-white governance bulked small indeed. In eastern Asia, China, Japan, and Siam; in western Asia, Turkey, Afghanistan, and Persia; in Africa, Abyssinia, and Liberia; and in America the minute state of Haiti: such was the brief list of lands under non-white rule. In other words, of the 53,000,000 square miles which (excluding the polar regions) constitute the land area of the globe, only 6,000,000 square miles had non-white governments, and nearly two-thirds of this relatively modest remainder was represented by China and its dependencies.
By that standard, white world-supremacy levels in 1914 were at a robust 89 percent.
Since 1914 the world has been convulsed by the most terrible war in recorded history. This war was primarily a struggle between the white peoples, who have borne the brunt of the conflict and have suffered most of the losses. Nevertheless, one of the war’s results has been a further whittling down of the areas standing outside white political control. Turkey is to-day practically an Anglo-French condominium, Persia is virtually a protectorate of the British Empire, while the United States has thrown over the endemic anarchy of Haiti the aegis of the Pax Americana. Study of the political map might thus apparently lead one to conclude that white world-predominance is immutable, since the war’s ordeal has still further broadened the territorial basis of its authority.
At this point the reader is perhaps asking himself why this book was ever undertaken. The answer is: the dangerous delusion created by viewing world affairs solely from the angle of politics. The late war has taught many lessons as to the unstable and transitory character of even the most imposing political phenomena, while a better reading of history must bring home the truth that the basic factor in human affairs is not politics, but race. The reader has already encountered this fundamental truth on every page of the Introduction. He will remember, for instance, how west-central Asia, which in the dawn of history was predominantly white man’s country, is to-day racially brown man’s land in which white blood survives only as vestigial traces of vanishing significance. If this portion of Asia, the former seat of mighty white empires and possibly the very homeland of the white race itself, should have so entirely changed its ethnic character, what assurance can the most impressive political panorama give us that the present world-order may not swiftly and utterly pass away?
Well, that accounts for white world-supremacy. Now what about this rising tide of color?
Above: ‘Distribution of the Primary Races’ from Lothrop Stoddard’s ‘Rising Tide of Color.’
Stoddard asked, “what assurance can the most impressive political panorama give us that the present world-order” — that is, white political world-supremacy — “may not swiftly and utterly pass away?”
The force of this query is exemplified when we turn from the political to the racial map of the globe. What a transformation! Instead of a world politically nine-tenths white, we see a world of which only four-tenths at the most can be considered predominantly white in blood, the rest of the world being inhabited mainly by the other primary races of mankind — yellows, browns, blacks, and reds.
I think we can forgive Stoddard’s lumping together under “blacks,” along with the usual sub-Saharan African races, the (genetically quite distinct) Aboriginal Australians, Papua New Guineans, and other Pacific Islanders. (Consider the similarity, not just in skin color, but also in certain societally relevant behavioral traits: low intelligence, high crime, rape, more rape, gang rape, stabbing people, eating people, beheading sorcerers, general aggressiveness, welfare, etc.)
Speaking by continents, Europe, North America to the Rio Grande, the southern portion of South America, the Siberian part of Asia, and Australasia constitute the real white world; while the bulk of Asia, virtually the whole of Africa, and most of Central and South America form the world of color. The respective areas of these two racially contrasted worlds are 22,000,000 square miles for the whites and 31,000,000 square miles for the colored races. Furthermore it must be remembered that fully one-third of the white area (notably Australasia and Siberia) is very thinly inhabited and is thus held by a very slender racial tenure — the only tenure which counts in the long run.
Geographically speaking, then, white world-supremacy levels were only at 42 percent at the end of the Great War.
The statistical disproportion between the white and colored worlds becomes still more marked when we turn from surveys of area to tables of population. The total number of human beings alive to-day is about 1,700,000,000. Of these 550,000,000 are white, while 1,150,000,000 are colored. The colored races thus outnumber the whites more than two to one.
Biologically speaking, — which, as Stoddard can tell you, is what really matters in the end, — white world-supremacy levels around 1918 were at a paltry 32 percent!
Now, the National Policy Institute reports that in 1960, white people still made up some 28 percent of the world’s population. By 2010, they were down to 16 percent. By 2060, if demographic trends continue, white people will have dropped below 10 percent.
Is this a thing? Does it matter? (Can you imagine asking that question about the extinction of any other people?) Is Richard Spencer a bad man for noticing it? Can we, in good conscience, extend freedom of speech to such a bad man? Perhaps we should all just shout at him until he stops; this approach is commonly known as ‘tolerance’ (Radish 1.10).
… That is a formidable ratio, and its significance is heightened by the fact that this ratio seems destined to shift still further in favor of color. There can be no doubt that at present the colored races are increasing very much faster than the white. Treating the primary race-stocks as units, it would appear that whites tend to double in eighty years, yellows and browns in sixty years, blacks in forty years. The whites are thus the slowest breeders, and they will undoubtedly become slower still, since section after section of the white race is revealing that lowered birth-rate which in France has reached the extreme of a stationary population.
On the other hand, none of the colored races shows perceptible signs of declining birth-rate, all tending to breed up to the limits of available subsistence. Such checks as now limit the increase of colored populations are wholly external, like famine, disease, and tribal warfare. But by a curious irony of fate, the white man has long been busy removing these checks to colored multiplication. The greater part of the colored world is to-day under white political control. Wherever the white man goes he attempts to impose the bases of his ordered civilization. He puts down tribal war, he wages truceless combat against epidemic disease, and he so improves communications that augmented and better distributed food-supplies minimize the blight of famine.
In response to these life-saving activities the enormous death-rate which in the past has kept the colored races from excessive multiplication is falling to proportions comparable with the death-rate of white countries. But to lower the colored world’s prodigious birth-rate is quite another matter. The consequence is a portentous increase of population in nearly every portion of the colored world now under white political sway. In fact, even those colored countries which have maintained their independence, such as China and Japan, are adopting the white man’s life-conserving methods and are experiencing the same accelerated increase of population.
“Now what,” asked Stoddard, “must be the inevitable result of all this?” The regular reader of Radish knows all too well…
Above: UN “Refugee” Agency (UNHCR) photo of Third World invaders at sea in the Mediterranean.
“Now what must be the inevitable result of all this?” Stoddard asked, referring to the white birth rate declining while white political control caused everyone else’s birth rate to rise.
Now what must be the inevitable result of all this? It can mean only one thing: a tremendous and steadily augmenting outward thrust of surplus colored men from overcrowded colored homelands. Remember that these homelands are already populated up to the available limits of subsistence. Of course present limits can in many cases be pushed back by better living conditions, improved agriculture, and the rise of modern machine industry such as is already under way in Japan. Nevertheless, in view of the tremendous population increases which must occur, these can be only palliatives. Where, then, should the congested colored world tend to pour its accumulating human surplus, inexorably condemned to emigrate or starve? The answer is: into those emptier regions of the earth under white political control. But many of these relatively empty lands have been definitely set aside by the white man as his own special heritage. The upshot is that the rising flood of color finds itself walled in by white dikes debarring it from many a promised land which it would fain deluge with its dusky waves.
Thus the colored world, long restive under white political domination, is being welded by the most fundamental of instincts, the instinct of self-preservation, into a common solidarity of feeling against the dominant white man, and in the fire of a common purpose internecine differences tend, for the time at least, to be burned away. Before the supreme fact of white political world-domination, antipathies within the colored world must inevitably recede into the background.
As the regular reader of Radish knows all too well, these protective dikes have been replaced by porous borders (Radish 1.5) in the name of ‘diversity,’ ‘multiculturalism,’ and ‘anti-racism’ — none of which mean what their proponents would like us to believe they mean.
In the ‘Metapolitical Dictionary’ of his urgent manifesto Why We Fight, Guillaume Faye (Radish 1.2) countered this very “perversion of language” (Jared Taylor), by “coining new words and giving correct definitions to old ones,” including colonization (emphasis in original):
The occupation and permanent installation of a people (or several peoples) on another people’s homeland. This term is preferable to that of ‘immigration’.
This is what Europe is presently suffering: a massive colonisation by alien peoples, which makes it the greatest tragedy in her history, because it threatens to destroy her ethnic stock. This colonisation is far more serious than a military occupation, because it’s potentially irreversible. …
From a tactical perspective, it’s necessary to speak of colonists rather than of immigrants, and to stop affirming that the latter are victims of ‘exploitation’. Just the opposite, these colonists have come to Europe to live at our expense. Their invasion comes from both the maternity wards and porous borders (30 percent of French births are now of alien parentage and, if nothing changes, by 2010 Islam will become the largest practiced religion in France). We are suffering ‘a colonisation from below’, very different from the former European colonisation of the Third World. The gravity of the phenomenon has been compounded by Europe’s demographic collapse.
European colonisation was civilising: it brought many things to the countries involved and, contrary to the dogmas of the xenophilic Left…, it had little effect on native culture. Rather, it (stupidly) reinforced Islam, laying the basis for its current historic assault on Europe.
In every realm, resistance to this colonisation and reconquest constitutes the single overriding objective of every European political project of the Twenty-first century.
Remarkably, Lothrop Stoddard had this all figured out almost a century ago. How could he have possibly known? Hint: it’s got something to do with understanding the nature of race — not pretending it doesn’t exist.
So now that we know basically what Stoddard meant by the rising tide of color against white world-supremacy, let’s take a closer look at some more of his remarkable predictions.
Stoddard regrets that the West ever imposed on the East in Rising Tide, Chapter 2, ‘Yellow Man’s Land.’ (I suppose I must emphasize that the term yellow man, like white man or black man, should not be seen as in any way derogatory; these terms are nothing more than a convenient way of referring to the large extended families that make up our species — and differ in far more than epidermal coloring.)
Sundered from the rest of mankind by stupendous mountains, burning deserts, and the illimitable ocean, the Far East constituted a world in itself, living its own life and developing its own peculiar civilization. …
The age-long seclusion of the yellow world, first decreed by nature, was subsequently maintained by the voluntary decision of the yellow peoples themselves. The great expansive movement of the white race which began four centuries ago soon brought white men to the Far East, by sea in the persons of the Portuguese navigators and by land with the Cossack adventurers ranging through the empty spaces of Siberia. Yet after a brief acquaintance with the white strangers the yellow world decided that it wanted none of them, and they were rigidly excluded.
Common sense immigration policies from the Orient!
The yellow world instinctively felt the white man to be a destructive, dissolving influence on its highly specialized line of evolution, which it wished to maintain unaltered. For three centuries the yellow world succeeded in maintaining its isolation, then, in the middle of the last century, insistent white pressure broke down the barriers and forced the yellow races into full contact with the outer world.
At the moment, the “opening” of the Far East was hailed by white men with general approval, but of late years many white observers have regretted this forcible dragging of reluctant races into the full stream of world affairs. As an Australian writer, J. Liddell Kelly, remarks: “We have erred grievously by prematurely forcing ourselves upon Asiatic races. The instinct of the Asiatic in desiring isolation and separation from other forms of civilization was much more correct than our craze for imposing our forms of religion, morals, and industrialism upon them. It is not race-hatred, nor even race-antagonism, that is at the root of this attitude; it is an unerring intuition, which in years gone by has taught the Asiatic that his evolution in the scale of civilization could best be accomplished by his being allowed to develop on his own lines. Pernicious European compulsion has led him to abandon that attitude. Let us not be ashamed to confess that he was right and we were wrong.”
Well, that could serve quite nicely as Radish Magazine’s official stance on ‘diversity’ and ‘multiculturalism’ in the West: It is not race-hatred, nor even race-antagonism, that is at the root of our attitude; it is an unerring intuition, which in years gone by has taught us that our evolution in the scale of civilization could best be accomplished by our being allowed to develop on our own lines.
However, rightly or wrongly, the deed was done, and the yellow races, forced into the world-arena, proceeded to adapt themselves to their new political environment and to learn the correct methods of survival under the strenuous conditions which there prevailed. In place of their traditional equilibrated, self-sufficient order, the yellow peoples now felt the ubiquitous impacts of the dynamic Western spirit, insistent upon rapid material progress and forceful, expansive evolution. Japan was the first yellow people to go methodically to the white man’s school, and Japan’s rapid acquirement of the white man’s technology soon showed itself in dramatic demonstrations like her military triumphs over China in 1894, and over Russia a decade later.
Japan’s easy victory over huge China astounded the whole world. That these “highly intelligent children,” as one of the early British ministers to Japan had characterized them, should have so rapidly acquired the technique of Western methods was almost unbelievable. Indeed, the full significance of the lesson was not immediately grasped, and the power of New Japan was still underestimated. … But even at that time Japan’s expansionist tendencies were well developed, and voices were warning against Japanese imperialism. …
Whatever may have been the world’s misreading of the Chino-Japanese conflict, the same cannot be said of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. The echoes of that yellow triumph over one of the great white Powers reverberated to the ends of the earth and started obscure trains of consequences even to-day not yet fully disclosed. The war’s reactions in these remoter fields will be discussed in later chapters. Its effect upon the Far East is our present concern. And the well-nigh unanimous opinion of both natives and resident Europeans was that the war signified a body-blow to white ascendancy.
Indeed, to Stoddard, the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905 was “one of those landmarks in human history whose significance increases with the lapse of time. That war was momentous, not only for what it did, but even more for what it revealed. The legend of white invincibility was shattered, the veil of prestige that draped white civilization was torn aside, and the white world’s manifold ills were laid bare for candid examination” (Chapter 7, ‘The Beginning of the Ebb’).
Next, Stoddard turns to the specifics of Japanese foreign policy:
This Japanese programme looks first to the prevention of all further white encroachment in the Far East by the establishment of a Far Eastern Monroe Doctrine based on Japanese predominance and backed if possible by the moral support of the other Far Eastern peoples. The next stage in Japanese foreign policy seems to be the systematic elimination of all existing white holdings in the Far East. Thus far practically all Japanese appear to be in substantial agreement. Beyond this point lies a wide realm of aspiration ranging from determination to secure complete racial equality and freedom of immigration into white lands to imperialistic dreams of wholesale conquests and “world-dominion.” These last items do not represent the united aspiration of the Japanese nation, but they are cherished by powerful circles which, owing to Japan’s oligarchical system of government, possess an influence over governmental action quite disproportionate to their numbers.
Although Japanese plans and aspirations have broadened notably since 1914, their outlines were well defined a decade earlier. Immediately after her victory over Russia, Japan set herself to strengthen her influence all over eastern Asia. Special efforts were made to establish intimate relations with the other Asiatic peoples. Asiatic students were invited to attend Japanese universities and as a matter of fact did attend by the thousand, while a whole series of societies was formed having for their object the knitting of close cultural and economic ties between Japan and specific regions like China, Siam, the Pacific, and even India. The capstone was a “Pan-Asiatic Association,” founded by Count Okuma. Some of the facts regarding these societies, about which too little is known, make interesting reading. For instance, there was the “Pacific Ocean Society” (“Taheijoka”), whose preamble reads in part: “For a century the Pacific Ocean has been a battle-ground wherein the nations have struggled for supremacy. To-day the prosperity or decadence of a nation depends on its power in the Pacific: to possess the empire of the Pacific is to be the Master of the World. As Japan finds itself at the centre of that Ocean, whose waves bathe its shores, it must reflect carefully and have clear views on Pacific questions.”
The clarity of Japan’s view on “Pacific questions” would later be amply demonstrated.
The above outline of Japanese foreign policy reveals beneath all its surface mutations a fundamental continuity. Whatever may be its ultimate goals, Japanese foreign policy has one minimum objective: Japan as hegemon of a Far East in which white influence shall have been reduced to a vanishing quantity. That is the bald truth of the matter — and no white man has any reason for getting indignant about it.
Granted that Japanese aims endanger white vested interests in the Far East. Granted that this involves rivalry and perhaps war. That is no reason for striking a moral attitude and inveighing against Japanese “wickedness,” as many people are to-day doing. These mighty racial tides flow from the most elemental of vital urges: self-expansion and self-preservation. Both outward thrust of expanding life and counter-thrust of threatened life are equally normal phenomena. To condemn the former as “criminal” and the latter as “selfish” is either silly or hypocritical and tends to envenom with unnecessary rancor what objective fairness might keep a candid struggle, inevitable yet alleviated by mutual comprehension and respect. This is no mere plea for “sportsmanship”; it is a very practical matter. There are critical times ahead; times in which intense race-pressures will engender high tensions and perhaps wars. If men will keep open minds and will eschew the temptation to regard those opposing their desires to defend or possess respectively as impious fiends, the struggles will lose half their bitterness, and the wars (if wars there must be) will be shorn of half their ferocity.
And Stoddard did foresee ferocious conflict:
There lies a danger, not merely to the peace of the Far East, but to the peace of the world. Fired by a fervent patriotism; resolved to make their country a leader among the nations; the Japanese writhe at the constriction of their present race-bounds. Placed on the flank of the Chinese giant whose portentous growth she can accurately forecast, Japan sees herself condemned to ultimate renunciation of her grandiose ambitions unless she can somehow broaden the racial as well as the political basis of her power. In short: Japan must find lands where Japanese can breed by the tens of millions if she is not to be automatically overshadowed in course of time, even assuming that she does not suffocate or blow up from congestion before that time arrives. This is the secret of her aggressive foreign policy, her chronic imperialism, her extravagant dreams of conquest and “world-dominion.”
Lately, it is often said that “demographics is destiny.” You can clearly see in The Rising Tide of Color — practically on every page — that this was elementary to Stoddard: part of the foundation on which he built his grander theory — a theory with great predictive power.
The longing to hack a path to greatness by the samurai sword lurks ever in the back of Japanese minds. The library of Nippon’s chauvinist literature is large and increasing. A good example of the earlier productions is Satori Kato’s brochure entitled “Mastery of the Pacific,” published in 1909. Herein the author announces confidently: “In the event of war Japan could, as if aided by a magician’s wand, overrun the Pacific with fleets manned by men who have made Nelson their model and transported to the armadas of the Far East the spirit that was victorious at Trafalgar. Whether Japan avows it or not, her persistent aim is to gain the mastery of the Pacific. Although peace seems to prevail over the world at present, no one can tell how soon the nations may be engaged in war. It does not need the English alliance to secure success for Japan. That alliance may be dissolved at any moment, but Japan will suffer no defeat. Her victory will be won by her men, not by armor-plates — things weak by comparison.”
As you may have noticed, The Rising Tide of Color is full of fascinating anecdotes like this one — not just from Japan, but from all over the world!
The late war has of course greatly stimulated these bellicose emotions. Viewing their own increased power and the debilitation of the white world, Japanese jingoes glimpse prospects of glorious fishing in troubled waters. The “world-dominion” note is stressed more often than of yore. … Still more striking are the following citations from a Japanese imperialist pronouncement written in the autumn of 1916:
“Fifty millions of our race wherewith to conquer and possess the earth! It is indeed a glorious problem!… To begin with, we now have China; China is our steed! Far shall we ride upon her! Even as Rome rode Latium to conquer Italy, and Italy to conquer the Mediterranean; even as Napoleon rode Italy and the Rhenish States to conquer Germany, and Germany to conquer Europe; even as England to-day rides her colonies and her so-called ‘allies’ to conquer her robust rival, Germany — even so shall we ride China. So becomes our 50,000,000 race 500,000,000 strong; so grow our paltry hundreds of millions of gold into billions! …
“As for America — that fatuous booby with much money and much sentiment, but no cohesion, no brains of government; stood she alone we should not need our China steed. Well did my friend speak the other day when he called her people a race of thieves with the hearts of rabbits. America, to any warrior race, is not as a foe, but as an immense melon, ripe for the cutting. But there are other warrior races — England, Germany — would they look on and let us slice and eat our fill? Would they?
“But, using China as our steed, should our first goal be the land? India? Or the Pacific, the sea that must be our very own, even as the Atlantic is now England’s? The land is tempting and easy, but withal dangerous. Did we begin there, the coarse white races would too soon awaken, and combine, and forever immure us within our long since grown intolerable bounds. It must, therefore, be the sea; but the sea means the Western Americas and all the islands between; and with those must soon come Australia, India. And then the battling for the balance of world-power, for the rest of North America. Once that is ours, we own and control the whole — a dominion worthy of our race!
“North America alone will support a billion people; that billion shall be Japanese with their slaves. Not arid Asia, nor worn-out Europe (which, with its peculiar and quaint relics and customs should in the interests of history and culture, be in any case preserved), nor yet tropical Africa, is fit for our people. But North America, that continent so succulently green, fresh, and unsullied — except for the few chattering, mongrel Yankees — should have been ours by right of discovery: it shall be ours by the higher, nobler right of conquest.”
Remember, though, that the “mighty racial tides flow from the most elemental of vital urges: self-expansion and self-preservation,” and that “[t]o condemn the former as ‘criminal’ and the latter as ‘selfish’ is either silly or hypocritical and tends to envenom with unnecessary rancor what objective fairness might keep a candid struggle, inevitable yet alleviated by mutual comprehension and respect.” Today, this lesson seems to have been lost — at least when it comes to the mighty European tides (Radish 1.2, 1.5, 1.10, 2.2, and 2.5).
Above: wounded German prisoners receiving medical attention in 1918.
“To me,” Stoddard wrote in the Preface to Rising Tide, “the Great War was from the first the White Civil War, which, whatever its outcome, must gravely complicate the course of racial relations.” A “White Civil War”? Oh, yes — and the rest of the world understood this, even if we no longer do (Chapter 1):
The colored world suddenly saw the white peoples which, in racial matters had hitherto maintained something of a united front, locked in an internecine death-grapple of unparalleled ferocity; it saw those same peoples put one another furiously to the ban as irreconcilable foes; it saw white race-unity cleft by political and moral gulfs which white men themselves continuously iterated would never be filled. As colored men realized the significance of it all, they looked into each other’s eyes and there saw the light of undreamed-of hopes. The white world was tearing itself to pieces. White solidarity was riven and shattered. And — fear of white power and respect for white civilization together dropped away like garments outworn. Through the bazaars of Asia ran the sibilant whisper: “The East will see the West to bed!”
The chorus of mingled exultation, hate, and scorn sounded from every portion of the colored world. Chinese scholars, Japanese professors, Hindu pundits, Turkish journalists, and Afro-American editors, one and all voiced drastic criticisms of white civilization and hailed the war as a well-merited Nemesis on white arrogance and greed. …
“What does the European War mean to us Orientals?” queried the Japanese writer, Yone Noguchi. “It means the saddest downfall of the so-called western civilization; our belief that it was builded upon a higher and sounder footing than ours was at once knocked down and killed; we are sorry that we somehow overestimated its happy possibility and were deceived and cheated by its superficial glory. My recent western journey confirmed me that the so-called dynamic western civilization was all against the Asiatic belief. And when one does not respect the others, there will be only one thing to come, that is, fight, in action or silence.”
(More on Japan below.)
Such was the colored world’s reaction to the white death-grapple, and as the long struggle dragged on both Asia and Africa stirred to their very depths. … The war merely accelerated a movement already existent long before 1914. Even if the Great War had been averted, the twentieth century must have been a time of wide-spread racial readjustments in which the white man’s present position of political world-domination would have been sensibly modified, especially in Asia. However, had the white race and white civilization been spared the terrific material and moral losses involved in the Great War and its still unliquidated aftermath, the process of racial readjustment would have been far more gradual and would have been fraught with far fewer cataclysmic possibilities. …
But it was not to be. The heart of the white world was divided against itself, and on the fateful 1st of August, 1914, the white race, forgetting ties of blood and culture, heedless of the growing pressure of the colored world without, locked in a battle to the death. An ominous cycle opened whose end no man can foresee. Armageddon engendered Versailles; earth’s worst war closed with an unconstructive peace which left old sores unhealed and even dealt fresh wounds. The white world to-day lies debilitated and uncured; the colored world views conditions which are a standing incitement to rash dreams and violent action.
The disgenic effect of the Great War is simply appalling. The war was nothing short of a headlong plunge into white race-suicide. It was essentially a civil war between closely related white stocks; a war wherein every physical and mental effective was gathered up and hurled into a hell of lethal machinery which killed out unerringly the youngest, the bravest, and the best.
Even in the first frenzied hours of August, 1914, wise men realized the horror that stood upon the threshold. The crowd might cheer, but the reflective already mourned in prospect the losses which were in store. As the English writer Harold Begbie then said: “Remember this. Among the young conscript soldiers of Europe who will die in thousands, and perhaps millions, are the very flower of civilization; we shall destroy brains which might have discovered for us in ten or twenty years easements for the worst of human pains and solutions for the worst of social dangers. We shall blot those souls out of our common existence. We shall destroy utterly those splendid burning spirits reaching out to enlighten our darkness. Our fathers destroyed those strange and valuable creatures whom they called ‘witches.’ We are destroying the brightest of our angels.” …
It is the same melancholy tale when we apply the test of race. Of course the war bore heavily on all the white race-stocks, but it was the Nordics — the best of all human breeds — who suffered far and away the greatest losses. War, as we have seen, was always the Nordic’s deadliest scourge, and never was this truer than in the late struggle. From the racial standpoint, indeed, Armageddon was a Nordic civil war, most of the officers and a large proportion of the men on both sides belonging to the Nordic race. Everywhere it was the same story: the Nordic went forth eagerly to battle, while the more stolid Alpine and, above all, the little brunet Mediterranean either stayed at home or even when at the front showed less fighting spirit, took fewer chances, and oftener saved their skins.
Fascinating though this is, for now we set aside Stoddard’s racialist take on the Great War itself to consider his predictions for the future.
“[W]hite solidarity,” Stoddard wrote in Chapter 9, ‘The Shattering of White Solidarity,’ “while unquestionably weakened, was still a weighty factor down to August, 1914. But the first shots of Armageddon saw white solidarity literally blown from the muzzles of the guns.”
An explosion of internecine hatred burst forth more intense and general than any ever known before. Both sets of combatants proclaimed a duel to the death; both sides vowed the enemy to something near annihilation; while even scientists and littérateurs, disrupting the ancient commonwealths of wisdom and beauty, put one another furiously to the ban. …
A symposium of the “hate literature” of the Great War is fortunately no part of my task, but the reader will readily recall both its abysmal fury and its irreconcilable implications. The most appalling feature was the way in which many writers assumed that this state of mind would be permanent; that the end of the Great War might be only the beginning of a war-cycle leading to the utter disruption of white solidarity and civilization. In the spring of 1916, the London Nation remarked gloomily: “Europe is now being mentally conceived as inevitably and permanently dual. We are ceasing to think of Europe. The normal end of war (which is peace) is to be submerged in the idea of a war-series indefinitely prolonged. Soon the entire Continent will have but one longing — the longing for rest. The cup is to be dashed from its lips! For a world steeped in fear and ruled by the barren logomachy of hate, diplomatic intercourse would almost cease to be possible…. In the matter of culture, modern Europe would tend to relapse to a state inferior even to that of mediaeval Europe, and to sink far below that of the Renaissance.” …
In fact, leaving ultimate consequences aside, many persons feared during the later phases of the war that Europe might be headed for immediate dissolution. … Well, the war was prolonged for another year, ending in the triumph of the Allies and America, though leaving Europe in the deplorable condition reviewed in the preceding chapter.
The hopes of mankind were now centred on the Peace Conference, but these hopes were oversanguine, for the Versailles “settlement” was riddled with political and economic imperfections from the Saar to Shantung.
This was what a sceptical minority had feared from the first. At the very beginning of the war, for instance, the French publicist Urbain Gohier had predicted that when the diplomats gathered at the end of the conflict they would find the problem of constructive settlement insoluble.
A problem which, it seems to me, could have been avoided entirely if these diplomats (Woodrow Wilson sent George Herron, the rabidly anti-German author of The Menace of Peace) had stuck to classical international law; see Mencius Moldbug’s Universal Peace Plan.
Most persons, however, had been more hopeful. Disappointment and disillusionment were therefore correspondingly intense. The majority of liberal-minded, forward-looking men and women throughout the world deplored the Versailles settlement’s faulty character, some, however, accepting the situation as the best of a bad business, others entirely repudiating it on the ground that by crystallizing an intolerable status it would entail worse disasters in the near future. …
That veteran student of world-politics Doctor E. J. Dillon put the matter succinctly when he wrote: “The peace is being made not, as originally projected, on the basis of the fourteen points, nor on the lines of territorial equilibrium, but by a compromise which misses the advantage of either, and combines certain evils of both. The treaty has failed to lay the axe to the roots of war, has perhaps increased their number while purporting to destroy them. The germs of future conflicts, not only between the recent belligerents, but also between other groups of states, are numerous, and if present symptoms may be trusted will sprout up in the fulness of time.” …
Europe is thus in evil case. Her statesmen have failed to formulate a constructive settlement. Old problems remain unsolved while fresh problems arise. The danger is redoubled by the fact that both Europe and the entire world are faced with a new peril — Bolshevism. The menace of Bolshevism is simply incalculable. Bolshevism is a peril in some ways unprecedented in the world’s history. It is not merely a war against a social system, not merely a war against our civilization; it is a war of the hand against the brain. For the first time since man was man there is a definite schism between the hand and the head. Every principle which mankind has thus far evolved: community of interest, the solidarity of civilization and culture, the dignity of labor, of muscle, of brawn, dominated and illumined by intellect and spirit — all these Bolshevism howls down and tramples in the mud. …
The effect of such ideas, if successful, not only on our civilization, but also on the very fibre of the race, can be imagined. The death or degradation of nearly all persons displaying constructive ability, and the tyranny of the ignorant and anti-social elements, would be the most gigantic triumph of disgenics ever seen. Beside it the ill effects of war would pale into insignificance. Civilization would wither like a plant stricken by blight, while the race, summarily drained of its good blood, would sink like lead into the depths of degenerate barbarism.
This is precisely what is occurring in Russia to-day. Bolshevism has ruled Russia less than three years — and Russia is ruined. She ekes out a bare existence on the remains of past accumulations, on the surviving scraps of her material and spiritual capital. Everywhere are hunger, cold, disease, terror, physical and moral death. The “proletariat” is making its “clean sweep.” The “classes” are being systematically eliminated by execution, massacre, and starvation. The racial impoverishment is simply incalculable. Meanwhile Lenine, surrounded by his Chinese executioners, sits behind the Kremlin walls, a modern Jenghiz Khan plotting the plunder of a world.
Lenine’s Chinese “braves” are merely symptomatic of the intrigues which Bolshevism is carrying on throughout the non-white world. Bolshevism is, in fact, as anti-racial as it is anti-social. To the Bolshevik mind, with its furious hatred of constructive ability and its fanatical determination to enforce levelling, proletarian equality, the very existence of superior biological values is a crime. Bolshevism has vowed the proletarianization of the world, beginning with the white peoples. To this end it not only foments social revolution within the white world itself, but it also seeks to enlist the colored races in its grand assault on civilization. The rulers of Soviet Russia are well aware of the profound ferment now going on in colored lands. They watch this ferment with the same terrible glee that they watched the Great War and the fiasco of Versailles — and they plot to turn it to the same profit. …
Bolshevism thus reveals itself as the arch-enemy of civilization and the race. Bolshevism is the renegade, the traitor within the gates, who would betray the citadel, degrade the very fibre of our being, and ultimately hurl a rebarbarized, racially impoverished world into the most debased and hopeless of mongrelizations. …
So ends our survey of the white world as it emerges from the Great War. The prospect is not a brilliant one. Weakened and impoverished by Armageddon, handicapped by an unconstructive peace, and facing internal Bolshevist disaffection which must at all costs be mastered, the white world is ill-prepared to confront — the rising tide of color.
So it was, and so it remains — and so ends our survey of Stoddard’s Rising Tide of Color.
Pictured here are Howard University President Mordecai Wyatt Johnson, an accomplished mulatto, and NAACP Chairman Walter Francis White, an accomplished octoroon. And why are they here? Well, the answer begins in the pages of Atlantic Magazine this past Monday and Wednesday.
As the Richwine affair (Radish 2.6) rumbled on, generating rather more heat than light, one Ta-Nehisi Coates, a dark-skinned but otherwise talentless political commentator whose ideas are informed more by racial animosity than facts or logic, declared that both of the men above were simply “black,” and therefore — since any fool can see they’re not — race must not have any “coherent definition.” In this respect, Coates reminds me of the apocryphal child who murdered his parents, then asked the judge for leniency on the grounds that he was an orphan.
The sneaky practice of classifying anyone with any African ancestry — even if they’re visibly white, like Charles Drew — as simply “black,” for the purposes of inflating “black” accomplishments (Coates, 2011) or just muddying the waters of racial science (Coates, 2013), is hardly new (Radish 1.6).
According to the strictness or the looseness of the definition of full-blooded Negro that is used, and the high or low degree of superiority that is accepted as the test, the twenty per cent of mixed-bloods among the American Negroes have produced eighty-five per cent or upwards of the race’s superior men. …
In any study and discussion of the race problem, scientific accuracy as well as a decent regard for simple truth requires that the writer indicates whether his discussion has to do with full-blooded Negroes or with the men of mixed blood. The failure to make this simple and elementary distinction, more than any other one thing, has made the vast bulk of the literature relating to the Negro in America either worthless or vicious.
Which would you say your writing is, Mr. Coates: worthless or vicious? In any case, why should it appear here, in Radish, where the topic of discussion is supposed to be Stoddard and his Rising Tide of Color?
Well, you see, for a number of years now (Radish 1.6), Mr. Coates’ preferred tactic for attacking modern scientific research on race and intelligence — a profitable endeavor even for a man who admits he knows “very little about the field, and would struggle to even define a phrase like ‘standard deviation’” — has been the classic guilt by association. As you might expect, such ‘anti-racist’ standbys as slavery (Radish 1.3), lynching (Radish 2.1), and colonialism (Radish 2.2) figure prominently in Mr. Coates’ alternative history of black-white race relations (Radish 1.8).
It is almost as though the “dark arts of race and IQ” were an untapped field of potential knowledge, not one of the most discredited fields of study in modern history.
As I’ve pointed out once or twice before (Radish 1.6 and 1.7), scientists in the past were relatively free to study human biological diversity without fear of progressive censure for the thoughtcrime of ‘racism.’ If they concluded that people of African descent tend to be “dumber” (Mr. Coates’ preferred term) than people of European descent, we should hardly take that as evidence against the hypothesis.
Instead, we might ask: when, why, and how did this field of study become so thoroughly discredited? It’s not as if anyone who performed a test of intelligence on representative samples of black and white people has ever found that they were equally intelligent after all. Race differences in intelligence have been quite stable for as long as we’ve been able to measure them. So the shift must have been political, not scientific.
This crucial insight explains why believers in Human Neurological Uniformity (Radish 1.7), including Mr. Coates, rarely even attempt to appeal to evidence (of which there is, in fact, none), preferring to invoke the specter of “slave-holders and white supremacists,” not to mention “sterilizers and the slave-traders” — while at the same time scoffing at the “conspiratorial” notion that anyone might be “strangling research” into race and intelligence with egalitarian “political correctness.”
In Richwine’s case, however, — and it must be a most severe case of thoughtcrime indeed, to warrant this treatment — Mr. Coates has gone considerably further — dangerously far, perhaps — by actually quoting from that “long tradition of white racism,” including our own Lothrop Stoddard!
Here is the absolute worst thing Mr. Coates could find, skimming through The Rising Tide of Color:
In the United States it has been the same story. Our country, originally settled almost exclusively by Nordics, was toward the close of the nineteenth century invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines and Mediterraneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levantines and Jews. As a result, the Nordic native American has been crowded out with amazing rapidity by these swarming, prolific aliens, and after two short generations he has in many of our urban areas become almost extinct.
The racial displacements induced by a changed economic or social environment are, indeed, almost incalculable. Contrary to the popular belief, nothing is more unstable than the ethnic make-up of a people. Above all, there is no more absurd fallacy than the shibboleth of the “melting-pot.” As a matter of fact, the melting-pot may mix but does not melt. Each race-type, formed ages ago, and “set” by millenniums of isolation and inbreeding, is a stubbornly persistent entity. Each type possesses a special set of characters: not merely the physical characters visible to the naked eye, but moral, intellectual, and spiritual characters as well. All these characters are transmitted substantially unchanged from generation to generation.
To be sure, where members of the same race-stock intermarry (as English and Swedish Nordics, or French and British Mediterraneans), there seems to be genuine amalgamation. In most other cases, however, the result is not a blend but a mechanical mixture. Where the parent stocks are very diverse, as in matings between whites, negroes, and Amerindians, the offspring is a mongrel — a walking chaos, so consumed by his jarring heredities that he is quite worthless. We have already viewed the mongrel and his works in Latin America.
Mr. Coates — it is probably needless to say — doesn’t tell us what’s wrong with any of this. Perhaps he thinks it’s obvious. Isn’t it? “Each race-type, formed ages ago, and ‘set’ by millenniums of isolation and inbreeding, is a stubbornly persistent entity.” Psh, couldn’t be. “Each type possesses a special set of characters: not merely the physical characters visible to the naked eye, but moral, intellectual, and spiritual characters as well.” Why, I have no idea what he’s talking about! “All these characters are transmitted substantially unchanged from generation to generation.” Oh, Stoddard. You so crazy.
Compare Mr. Coates’ keen insight into our species: “Kevin Garnett, Harold Ford, and Halle Berry” — three people of visible African descent — “all check ‘black’ on the census.” Remarkable! And clearly — well, clear to anyone who isn’t a dreadful white supremacist with a slave — this proves the average genotypic cognitive ability of a hundred million Mexican mestizos is the same to fifteen decimal places as the average of a billion Chinese. Or something.
In short, Ta-Nehisi Coates presenting his writing as morally and intellectually superior to Lothrop Stoddard’s is like a dim-witted, pot-addled, attention-deficit teenager presenting ninety seconds of almost-in-tune power chords as artistically and technically superior to the Brandenburg Concertos.
Uh, no offense?
Want to learn more about the topics covered in this issue of Radish? We highly recommend the following books, articles, and videos. (We do not, however, necessarily endorse all opinions expressed in them: some are not nearly extreme enough.)
- The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy (1920) at the Open Library and Project Gutenberg
- The Revolt Against Civilization (1922)
- ‘The Crisis of the Ages’ (graaaaaagh reads Stoddard)
- ‘Wahhabism, China, Mass Immigration: Lothrop Stoddard Rediscovered’ (VDARE)
- ‘A Warning from the Past: Lothrop Stoddard and the Rising Tide of Color’ (American Renaissance)
- a profile in The Northlander
Assorted, Tangential & Miscellaneous
- ‘America’s Racialist Moment, Part II: The Scientific Racists’ (Occidental Quarterly)
Thank you once again for reading Radish Magazine! The Carlyle Club will return next week with what we think is a fun addition to the growing neo-reactionary movement, also known as the Dark Enlightenment. You could also consider this little project a spiritual successor to our two-part poster campaign, ‘Carlyle Rising’ (Radish 2.4 and 2.5).
For now, we close with another of Lothrop Stoddard’s eerie predictions. From his other great work, The Revolt Against Civilization (which we should note is a rather different sort of revolt from Julius Evola’s Revolt Against the Modern World):
Stressful transition is the key-note of our time. Unless all signs be at fault, we stand at one of those momentous crises in history when mankind moves from one well-marked epoch into another of widely different character. Such crucial periods are of supreme importance, because their outcome may determine man’s course for many generations perhaps for many centuries.
Transition spells struggle. And this is pre-eminently true of to-day. Historians of the distant future, appraising our times, may conclude that the Great War was merely a symptom — an episode in a much vaster struggle of ideas and elemental forces which began long before the war, and lasted long after its close. Certainly such a conflict of ideas is to-day raging. Perhaps never in human annals have principles so dissimilar striven so fiercely for mastery of the coming age.
I don’t think we need to wait for a distant future to appreciate this much vaster struggle of ideas and elemental forces. In fact, I doubt we can afford to wait a moment longer…
Until next time.